After all, Manisha Sinha makes it simple and clear that “the 2020 election surpasses all before it, except one”; which is to say that the 1860 election was simultaneously steeped in some foreseeable Trump-Biden regularisation of America.
And in terms of similarities and dissimilarities, Democratic hopeful Joe Biden is rather pro-Lincoln, particularly with his doctrine of eradication of “existed slavery”. I do believe a Biden presidency would comparatively favour America, pretty much, because many an American is getting and getting weary and worried of Trumpism.
The U.S. 2020 election does seem to be some opportunistic means to decide the fate of America for the next four years. It’s a particularly crucial moment of four-year deal of decisiveness for the American “hopes” and “dreams”.
The election, generally speaking, is a facsimile of Trump’s prima facie fait accompli. The fact that Trump has been ‘moderating’ and ‘bloviating’ the election – calling the Biden voters “shenanigans,” who are trying to “steal” the election – is not surprising, since we are quite familiar with his ad hoc noumenon.
Trump’s America, more specifically, is anchored on the very vocabulary of a disgruntled disunited divisive United States. The trans-failure and transmogrification of the Trump administration is typically anti-Lincoln, even though Trump could have claimed to be some “worst treated” “honest Abe”.
The dismantling and demeaning of Trump’s Republicanism by U.S. House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi – “President Trump is clearly ethically unfit and intellectually unprepared to be U.S. president” – unveils the Trump-Pence gross disservice to the American populace.
First, Trump’s valetudinary handling of the coronavirus with respect to his rupicolous relationship with disease expert, Dr. Anthony Fauci – spawning swathe of tens of thousands of lives to avoidable deaths – is to a considerable extent unAmerican.
Second, with the international influence the George Floyd sparked in a certain number of countries, one would have actually thought of the dreamed dead-end to the 21st-century “American slavery”.
The Trumpian slavery might be demarcated along supremacist-tendency lines, where African-Americans are, in practice, consciously and unconscionably reminded of their primitive place, which does potentially wreak wanton disproportion and differentiation, black-and-white, with regard to education and certain rights and freedoms.
Not so surprising, is it, that Minnesota has repudiated the Trump campaign-camp outright? I feel that’s because of Trump’s after-thought irresponsible response to the dire consequences regarding the unfeeling killing of the unarmed black American George Floyd in the Minneapolis police custody.
It is sort of a prophetic declaration when Trump said four years ago against Ms. Hillary Clinton that “we’re going to win so much, you’re going to be so sick and tired of winning”; in that up until now his fervent vocal supporters and backups have extremely been so, so “sickened” and “tired” of Trump’s “winning” the 2020 election. Trump’s weaponisation of hate speech and incendiary verbalisation in securing a second-term is severely frowned upon in the social media.
For example, when his tweet was fact-checked as “unsubstantiated” – that is, “there is NO WAY (ZERO!),” says Trump, “that Mail-In Ballot will be anything less than substantially fraudulent” – I could not but find it hard whether or not any particular American president was once “fact-checked”.
On the other hand, and perhaps far more importantly, is the warning label Twitter tagged on the Floyd-inspired tweet as “glorifying violence,” when he says – “when the looting starts, the shooting starts.” And that’s ultimately shaming and abashing of the Trump politics, policy, and personality as such Trump’s turf’s tapestry of democratisation and politicisation would have dubbed him a “bullshitter” – at least, in the Frankfurtian parlance.
Here comes Joe Biden securing more Electoral College votes than Trump, even in more key battleground states, say, Michigan and Wisconsin. Reportedly, it was 28 years ago that an incumbent would be ousted in the American political firmament.
With the establishment of the #BlackLivesMatter Movement during the Obama administration, the Obama-Biden presidency yet did prove pretty favourable – and Obama’s reelection, African American that he is, may well be some yardstick in yanking Trump away, together with his numerous deficiencies and delinquencies.
And what does Trump mean, in reality, when he says let’s “Make America Great Again?” By presupposition, Trump’s saying that “America used to be some great nation (to him, America doesn’t seem to be great, anymore, especially with the preponderance of black lives becoming “American leaders”)”, and as such we should restore it to its aboriginal place of peculiarity and particularity.
Surely, Trump’s “mendacity of greatness” is a notable rupture and return to the ethnocidal systems and structures as yet parameterising and permeating America. Indeed, the Trumpian idea of “Make America Great Again” is an offshoot of the Transatlantic Slave Trade; but in the Trump case, lives have become quid pro quo on the presidential platform of ‘patronising’ America.
To Barrett Pitner, ethnocide is “the destruction of culture while keeping the people.” Well, ethnocidal processes such as de-culturalisation and de-identification of the African peoples are arguably more pronounced in Trump’s America.
By contrast, a Biden desideratum of let’s fight the “Battle for the Soul of the Nation” is a corrective measure to the systemic discrimination and institutional racism fissuring the American fabrics. For Biden, it’s a great deal of work contending with the Senate, given the fact that it’s saturated with powerful humongous Republicans.
What’s more, the battle involved the regenerated mind to be able to kowtow, uncompromisingly, to the ultimate white will. Otherwise, the Biden will, even the Democratic, would be a will-o’-the-wisp, and it wouldn’t be any different from every other “Make America Great Again” administration.
Redeeming the “Soul of the Nation” would not be easy to come by, of course, because the systems and structures upon which America was built were extreme strongholds for white supremacy and superiority. And that’s long since been the ‘American problem’ (the grundnorm, if you like) of nationhood.
To be sure, President-elect Joe Biden is an experienced “African-American” former vice-president who does understand the plight of the poor strategically relegated to the background back lives that do not seem to matter to Trump.
So, the Biden-Harris presidency is really what America needs now. Politically interestingly, Ms. Kamala Harris herself is ‘psychically tormented’ of African origin and upbringing some way or other. Notably, the remaining black lives are well assured of the calm, confidence and collective responsibility the Biden administration would forestall.
Although Biden’s breviloquence and sang-froid, in contrast to Trump’s trompe l’oeil and smorgasbord, is intriguingly reassuring of an awakened America, a peaceful transfer of power in the “power station” would freely, fairly and credibly suffice in putting slavery in “ultimate extinction”.
Ige, a public affairs analyst, wrote via: firstname.lastname@example.org
Dissecting Kwankwasiyya’s Stand Over Sale Of Public Property In Kano
Abba Dukawa, Kano.
Even at the peaked of tussle between a former governor of the state, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwas and the incumbent, Governor Ganduje has remained) focussed on delivering democracy dividends to (the people of Kano State. He has not only kept faith to his promise of continuing the projects and policies of his predecessor, he has moved on to conceptualize and consolidated projects and policies his adminstration has initiated.
Almost six years out of power, still they presumed to be undefeatable power broker in the state. For them they can do and undo; they can make or mar; they can give power to whomsoever they wish and wrest power from whomsoever they wish.
Still they have not realised that the movement crumbling like a pack of cards and the domino effect still extends to remaining Kwankwaso’s supporters.
They hurriedly forget that when their leader was at the helm of the affairs of the state, there was a relative retardation in commercial activities for which Kano is well-known.
One funny and laughable thing is that the movement has now turned itself into the so-called defender of public properties.
While Kwankwaso was in power deluded by his rise to political limelight and his rabid followers do not help matters as they have spun a myth around him that he wears shoes made of metal and he could tread on the toes of all – the mighty and the not-so-mighty.
This is not to count the ordinary citizens, civil servants and pensioners who also suffered varied indignity treatments.
Is he not the same Kwankwaso in whose second tenure he borrowed billions from State Pension Fund to build Bandirawo and Amana Housing Estates?
Still most of houses are not occupied by the peoples in whose name the estates were constructed.
Now only ample of Government Department and Agencies are occupying these houses.
Some (four days ago), Kwankwasiyya movement accused Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje of illegally selling public property to cronies and family members describing it as unconstitutional and selfish action.
These baseless allegations on the properties sold by the Ganduje administration to include Daula Hotel, Triumph Publishing Company, part of the Eid Ground, Panshekara Modern Abattoir, Hajj Camp, Shahuci Motor Park and the State Zoological Garden.
Kano state government is still paying the over N350 billion debt inherited from the Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso-led government. The debt cuts across contracts for uncompleted flyovers, roads, and the controversial foreign and local scholarship scheme, which amount to over N15 billion.
It still baffles any reasonable imagination why Governor not investigating someone who left over N350 billion debt.
There is no need engaging into unnecessary war of words with Kwankwasiyya followers because the people know their antics.
The Movement and supporters would never see any good in anybody or anything apart from itself. Let me remind them whenever they want to deceive the public, they keep on mentioning failed projects of the Kwankwaso administration.
Let them woke up from their slumber (and recall) that it was under the former governor that Daula Hotel was closed down and the staff sacked. Even though RMK handed over the property to School of Hospitality and Tourism but the school only occupies 10 per cent of the structure situated within premises. When the hotel was closed down some reputable hoteliers operators in the state drawn the attention of then administration to entered an agreement with them to managed Daula Hotel under Public Private Partnership (PPP) but not vying the idea on they request to runs the Hotel on PPP agreement only the reason for rejected this Hotelier request best known to him.
Now Ganduje’s administration has engaged private developer through Public Private Partnership (PPP) to developed the said property into a residential building, a mall and a hotel in its continued efforts to explore more ways of enhanced revenue generation in the state.
The present administration work assiduously in seeing to the actualization of the bringing back to life of the (Triumph Newspaper.)
Governor Ganduje shows his commitment in revitalisation of the Triumph Publishing company knowing that the company is not just a newspaper publishing company but a training ground for journalists across the country.
We the staff of the company on this day Thursday
27 October 2012 at about (6pm) while going about our normal duty we just saw a team of security operatives in the premises of the company accompanied then state commissioner of information.
The commissioner told us that Governor RMK closed down Triumph Publishing Company. This brutally and unceremoniously closure of the company would remain in our mind even though (we) the staff of the newspaper are more luckiest than their Daula counterparts as no one was sacked from service courtesy of solidarity we enjoined from our comrade in pens in the state.
“I can testifying that Triumph Publishing Company is relocated to a convenient place befitting a newspaper house to pave the way for the development of a more economically viable and modern Bureau de Change Market that can generate more revenue to the state and provide employment opportunities to the teeming populace.
On Zoological Garden, no government will fold its arm and watch the lives of its citizens (being endanger). One may recalled last year how one of the Lions kept in the Zoological Garden escaped which cause serious trauma to the residents around Gandun, Tukuntawa and Zoo Road Housing Estates.
Most of Zoo Garden across the world is not normally found within a residential area and there is nothing wrong if Zoological Garden is relocated from a residential area for public safety, because when the Zoological Garden was established, it was on the outskirt of Kano with no human inhabitance. With relocation of garden the place will now be put to more economic use.
On the Eid ground, for the residence of Fagge, Zango, Kofar Mata, Kofar Wambai the Eid Ground remains scary place to passed by because some miscreants turn the ground as a hiding place and commit heinous crimes to by passers a lot of peoples lost lives to phone snatching and other related crime.
They have forgotten that it was during his first tenure some part kofar Mata Eid ground were allocated to some individual close to then administration. With the structures put in place surroundings the Eid ground the level of insecurity drastically reduced and beautifying the area.
Civil servants and their families would not forgotten how Governor Kwankwaso sold Government GPs at the exorbitant price beyond civil servants that occupied the said properties earning, while there are available records on how his government sold such GPs to his cronies of the administration at giveaway price.
At the tail end of the administration, some vehicles belonging to the state government valued millions of naira sold to themselves at giveaway price. Another laughable act by Kwankwasiyya movement is that it said it would not fold its arms and allow public assets to rot away.
But its part of the state government policies that there haven’t been any of these issues that hasn’t been discussed and looked into by the Kano State Executive Council; sometimes with the inputs of professionals before a final decision is taken. So as far these decisions are concerned, they are not illegal, and they have been done with due consultations with relevant stakeholders.
Despite the financial difficulty the country and the state at large facing, Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje is doing very well for the overall development of the state and has taken the state to the highest feats where he made free and compulsory education for teaming children most of whom are wards of the poor. There is nothing wrong if such comatose and structurally defective properties would be turned around with committed stakeholders through Public Private Partnership agreement with willing investors in the best public interest, as part of a noble futuristic move to make the ancient city catch up with modernity for a befitting mega city status.
Dukawa wrote in from Kano
Nigerian Democratisation and Internal Party Contest for Leadership
By Salihu Mohammed Lukman.
It was the American journalist and political commentator, Fareed Zakaria, in the book The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad who argued that democratisation everywhere is shifting power downward.
According to him, the process of democratisation goes far beyond politics and result in hierarchies “breaking down, closed systems are opening up, and pressures from the masses are now the primary engine of social change.
Democracy has gone far from being a form of government to a way of life.” The role of political parties all over the world in facilitating the shift of power to the people (downwards) is quite remarkable.
Both within parties and at wider societal levels, considerable pressure from ordinary citizens is influencing the change of leaders, in most cases as a result of the defeat of powerful individuals and political establishments. In most cases, leaders and political establishments, including parties become more prone to electoral defeats when they resist or block internal pressures for leadership change. The electoral victory of APC in 2015, for instance, could be partly explained based on the refusal of PDP leadership to recognise and respect the yearnings of party members and leaders.
It was the inability to respect internal yearnings for change that produced the splinter group of New PDP, which eventually joined the merger that produced the APC in 2013. Combined with other factors outside the PDP, especially the ability of leaders of the opposition parties under the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Nigeria Peoples’ Party (ANPP) and Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) to negotiate a successful political merger, which bolster public confidence, the APC electoral victory of 2015 was resoundingly accomplished.
Having gained some political advantages as a result of being organised, the old members of the New PDP would appear to have taken all the necessary steps as a block to contest the hegemony of other blocks from the old legacy parties that merged to form the APC.
This was more apparent during the contest that produced the leadership of the 8th National Assembly. Combined with other internal factors within the APC that disorganised leaders of APC, it is to the credit of members and leaders of the New PDP who led the rebellion against the choice of the APC leadership resulting in the emergence of the Sen. Bukola Saraki and Hon. Yakubu Dogara leadership in the 8th Senate and House of Representatives respectively.
Whichever way anyone choses to analyse the events of 2015 in Nigerian politics, the reality was that culmination of political developments between 2011 and 2015 broke down the hierarchy of PDP leadership, opened up range of democratic possibilities in the emergence of new political leaders in the country. Part of the challenge facing Nigerian politics today is the difficulty in institutionalising and mainstreaming political competition within our parties.
Most of our political leaders are highly resistant to competition. For them, competition should be mainly reduced to endorsement of their leadership and their decisions, including the leadership choices they make.
This reality has created a situation of permanent internal rebellion within our parties. Anyone, interested in contesting or competing for leadership in any of our parties, must be ready to organise rebellion, especially, if such an aspiring contestant is not part of the inner caucus of current leaders.
Without doubt, this reality has made the context of Nigerian democratisation process to legitimately become over concentrated on issues of electing political leaders into government, especially as President or Governors.
The public understanding and appreciation of all the dynamics and processes of democratisation is more about who will emerge as candidates for these positions in our respective political parties. With it, space for political competition and contestations are limited to analyses of issues of allegiances, loyalties or associations with prospective candidates, or absence of it, which may have been responsible for specific events triggering opposition to decisions of our leaders in our political parties.
Consequently, we become highly fixated about analysing problems facing our democracy, poor leadership and lack of political accountability, corruption and lack of development, and so on and so forth. These are very valid issues worthy of every democratic attention. However, such attention must be given side by side with the need to strengthen capacity of institutional political structures to facilitate competition, especially around the emergence of political leaders. Inability to pay attention to issues of strengthening capacity of political institution to facilitate leadership contest makes citizens to recklessly dismiss and condemn leaders with hardly any clear political demand requiring any response from our political leaders. And on the other hand, our leaders continue on the political trajectory of intolerance, ignoring and blocking any demand or competition both within the party and at wider political level.
Whether in APC or in other parties, including the PDP, the dominant perspective is to analyse internal dynamics in the context of so-called prospective candidates.
Legitimate political demands, including grievances of party leaders and members are reduced to projections of advantages of prospective candidates and so-called opposition to political leaders within our parties. This attest to the Weberian postulation that “very frequently the “world images” which have been created by “ideas” have, like switchmen, determined the tracks along which action has been pushed by the dynamic of interest.” Every position, conduct or opinion is either for or against some political leaders in favor of so-called prospective candidates.
This is the unfortunate reality, which has greatly weakened capacity of our political leaders and our institutions, including political parties to be able to facilitate or resolve political challenges. Is it possible to have democracy without political competition? In other words, is it possible to have election without contest? These are old questions, which made the American political scientist, Francis Fukuyama in his controversial book, The End of History and the Last Man to argue that “there is no democracy without democrats.”
The absence of competition in Nigerian democracy, especially in our political parties is responsible for so many unpredictable political circumstances and is making political leader both unsure and insecure. This has basically reduced Nigerian politics to a game of conquest. A major attribute is that political leaders are conquerors, while party members and ordinary citizens are the would-be conquered. Arguably, while in other parties, including the PDP, this is a well-established order, in APC, it is being highly contested.
This is because since the emergence of APC, apart from the personality of President Muhammadu Buhari, no leader can be sure of emerging as a candidate of the party for any election. In the case of President Buhari, he has such a personal blessing that made him to attract at least 12 million votes in all the elections he contested since 2003. No leaders, whether in APC or out of APC can claim to be in control of 5 million votes.
The fact that President Buhari is serving his last term, require some strategic succession arrangement within the APC, especially in order to guarantee the retention of all the electoral advantages. With President Buhari clearly out of the race for the position of Presidential candidate of APC in 2023, there is clearly a potential for a big internal contest in the party. The question is whether any of the power blocks within the party will take step to block internal contest and therefore emerge as the conqueror. In which case, the issue is really whether the APC leadership will allow the process of democratisation to ensure that leadership emergence both within the party and at wider political levels are determined based on the choices of party members and citizens.
Most of the public speculations around internal dynamics in APC today is basically informed by some strategic political expectations and leadership permutations. Unfortunately, a lot of these permutations seems to be oriented based on an approach that seek to strengthen the capacity of some leaders within APC to conquer the structures of the party. When members and leaders of the party, for instance, demand that issues of membership register of the party are resolved such that the party is able to have a credible and verifiable membership register, it is being interpreted to mean that some leaders of APC want to take over the party to promote their political ambition for 2023. Take over from who? Does it mean that those who claim to be in control of APC now have any credible and verifiable membership records? Why are they not able to make such records accessible to all party members and leaders?
There is no short cut to democratisation. Internal contests for leadership based on transparent process are irreducible minimum. Once any party cannot guarantee the existence of credible and verifiable membership records, which is up to date such a party cannot serve as a vehicle for the emergence of democratic leadership.
This is the underlying factor facilitating all the current contestations going on in APC. Such contestations are at best marginal in other political parties including the PDP. This means that while in other parties established leaders have conquered all semblances of democratic openings for any possible exercise of power by ordinary party members, in APC, no leader can impose himself/herself as the conqueror.
Without doubt, this comes with a lot of challenges, which include the question of how the absence of a conqueror in APC would guarantee democratic contest, for instance. Would fellow contestants respect the outcome of internal contest for leadership? Beyond the absence of a conqueror-leader, there is the need to strengthen internal party rules. Issues of discipline and leadership as well as membership orientation need to be taken seriously. This would require a code of conduct, which should serve as a byelaw to facilitate internal democratic contest within the party, spelling out dos and don’ts.
Once we are able to institutionalise internal leadership contests in APC, some of the avoidable distractions based on manipulative strategies using both legal and extra-judicial strategies can be avoided. Absence of democracy within our parties has not only blocked open leadership contests but is criminalising political aspirations. Most of the needless court cases within our parties, including the APC, are initiated based on the anger that open and transparent leadership contest are blocked.
A simple legal audit of all legal the cases by party members and leaders against their parties, will show that, the objective is mainly to negotiate leadership positions. Even the recent suite instituted by Mr. Hilliard Eta, former APC National Vice Chairman, South-South, against the APC Caretaker Committee, it is basically aimed to negotiate the return of Mr. Eta to the leadership of the APC.
A major unfortunate collateral casualty of many of the legal cases against parties is the process of democratisation. With a daring mindset of must-win, litigants engage in legal contestations basically to destroy any electoral advantage of the party if they can’t get what they want. This was the case in Rivers and Zamfara state during the 2019 general elections.
Today, we have so-called party leaders who engineered the APC’s electoral disaster of 2019 in Rivers and Zamfara States, proudly threatening the party leadership with more litigations every time the fear not being able to win recognition as leaders of the party. Instead, of projecting themselves as democrats ready to contest and win or lose elections, we have politicians who are members of APC that are permanent plaintiffs in our courts.
It was Max Waber, in the speech, Politics as a Vocation, at Munich University in 1919, who argued, that He who is active in politics strives for power either as a means in serving other aims, ideal or egoistic, or as ‘power for power’s sake,’ that is, in order to enjoy the prestige-feeling that power gives. Most politicians who strive to conquer political spaces of leadership contests can at best be aspiring for ‘power for power’s sake,’ or, ‘in order to enjoy the prestige-feeling that power gives’, but certainly not to serve in anyway. Those who block internal party leadership contests, in every way, including resort to judicial processes can only undermine the process of democratisation and therefore retain the closed shop orientation of political parties.
The most important question is, are we developing our parties to serve as institutional platforms to confirm that party members and citizens are the source of political power? Or are we going to allow a situation whereby some few party leaders continue to hold every available space for leadership contest in our party in captivity, based on which they are able to impose themselves and their proxies as candidates for elections?
This is the dynamic playing out in APC. To the extent that such dynamic is making almost every leader and party member in APC uncomfortable, it project the democratic possibilities in APC. This means that no one can say with every confidence that this is the leader that will be thrown up at the end of the exercise.
The associated question is whether our leaders in APC are democrats ready to engage the process by presenting their aspirations and take every step to win the contests through attracting votes of fellow party members? Or will they instead take steps to sabotage the democratic opening up of the party, using every means, including judicial process?
In the end the struggle for justice and democracy will always triumph. The contest for leadership everywhere and at levels of human society is real and given. Democracy is indeed a way of life!
This position does not represent the view of any APC Governor or the Progressive Governors Forum.
Director General Progressive Governors Forum, Abuja
Life And Times Of Phillips Tatari Shekwo: A Life Of Service From Accomplished Administrator.
By Tukura Matthew, Lafia.
Yelwa is a linean settlement in Toto Local Government Area of Nasarawa State. The Community is famous for hosting early Christian missionaries and a branch Bible school, an affiliate of ECWA Bible Training School, Karu.
Yelwa an agrarian Gbagyi Community has produced prominent scholars, pastors, politicians among others.
Among the Chairmen that have ruled Toto Local Government three (3) came from Yelwa, including one time Member, Nasarawa State House of Assembly, Commissioner, State Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) core party men, retired Permanent Secretary in the state (Nasarawa) civil service among others.
In 2013, precisely April 19th (Friday) Yelwa welcome home one of its illustrious son who has just then been appointed Commissioner in person of Hon. Philips Tatari Shekwo. The Community was pomb, roll out drums with cultural dances in honour of Hon. Shekwo who arrived Yelwa in a white Hillux at exactly 9:15pm.
The same honour was accorded to him in 2014 when he was elected State Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).
Today (Friday, November, 27th 2020) the same Community will stand still in a mournful mood to receive the corpse of this same great son who was kidnapped by yet to be identified gun men Sunday night (22nd November, 2020) and later found dead near his residence.
Yelwa community will not share this moment of grief alone but the state and Shekwo’s associates from all walks of life will be in Yelwa to bid him farewell as his remains is committed to mother earth today.
Since the breaking of the sad news of Shekwo’s kidnap and death there has been movement of people in droves within and outside the state to his residence and Government House to condole the family, Government and people of the state.
The Comments of thousands that have visited the family can be summarize in a sentence that Shekwo was a good leader, honest, sincere and a complete gentle man. Even when he was elevated in the society as the State APC Chairman, he remained his humble self.
For the years he man the affairs of the party in the state, he never take pride as the Chairman of the ruling party. The party got stronger and witnessed no any serious crisis during his two terms tenure. The thunderous outcry and lamentations that followed his killing is a clear manifestation that a big bird has flown out of Yelwa, Nasarawa State and the Country at large.
Many of his admirers would for long live with trauma of his sudden death. A devout Christian and Jerusalem Pilgrim (JP) Shekwo relied on the power of prayers and God’s guidance in carrying out his daily responsibilities.
Shekwo never hesitated when called upon to render good service to humanity. He was an accomplished administrator.
HIS WORDS ON MARBLE
When people are used to doing things for their personal interests only, no matter how beneficial a change is to the larger society, they will certainly oppose it. That was why we had conflicts with the House of Assembly that was dominated by PDP then. The conflict led to the impeachment move against Senator Umaru Tanko Al-Makura who was the governor then, but the APC government survived the impeachment attempt.
There were no roads, water and electricity. There was no difference between Lafia and my village, Yelwa, at that time. Al-Makura saw sorry state of things and came up with a master plan to improve on the looks of Lafia as a state headquarters.
Remember, the state headquarters is an image of the state; more so that Lafia is a gateway to the east and north. Many visitors pass through Lafia and if there is any road congestion or blockage, the travellers become frustrated because there were no alternative roads. So when Al-Makura came in, he opened alternative roads, he opened up so many communities that were like slums, paid compensations and constructed roads.
APC is a child of necessity and that necessity was for the Government to bring about change to do things not in the usual manner.
We should be able to do our campaigns based on issues that will advance the polity of Nasarawa State.
If you win election based on religion or ethnicity, are you going to form your government based on your religion or tribe? The question of Nasarawa State should come first before any other thing.
Religion when used properly should unite us, develop our minds, and create the fear of God in us and the knowledge that our existence on earth is temporal. I condemn politics of religion or ethnicity. Even if it is found in APC or elsewhere, I condemn it because it is counter-productive. It divides the people and set brothers, sisters against each other. We should look for who has a genuine heart to develop Nasarawa State. And I boldly say I found that in our governor, Engr. Abdullahi Sule who has a large heart that can carry Nasarawa State without any demarcation or discrimination. He has the zeal to develop the state, just like his predecessor.
In APC once elections are over, we settle down for development. Our Governor has been placing a call on all Nasarawa State people to join him in the development of the state. We are very much on course for Nasarawa State.
When you fight corruption, it will fight you back. In some third world countries, some of them have been able to topple governments because of the huge financial gains they make. So fighting corruption is not a local exercise, it is an international fight. This is what makes it difficult to fight it.
Countries that stand to fight corruption normally face frustration from developed ones. Those international conglomerates are in various countries and they benefit their individual countries and sometimes their countries give them back up. In fighting corruption, we need to tread with caution.
“I want to thank the people of Nasarawa State for giving APC a chance and for believing in the party. I assure them that government will not disappoint them. Under Governor Abdullahi Sule we will see more progress. This is why the governor is consolidating on what has been gained by his predecessor. There is continuity on the projects he found on ground. I want to plead with them to continue to support this government so as to encourage our governor to do more for the benefit of all.”
Born in Yelwa (9th May, 1957) Shekwo attended ECWA Transferred Primary School Yelwa (1964-1970) Government Secondary School Nasarawa 1973-1977 and was the House Captain, Makama House (1976-1977) He was a student , School of Preliminary Studies Keffi, Nasarawa State (1977-1979) and furthered his education at Bayero University Kano (1979-1982) and obtained Bachelor of Art (B.A) (Hons) English/Political Science and did his National Youth Service Crops (NYSC) 1982-1983. He was a Lecturer with the School of Preliminary Studies Keffi (1983-1990). He secured employment with the National Population Commission and rose to Deputy Director [grade level 16] and voluntarily retired for active politics.
He held the position of Honourable Commissioner, Ministry for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Nasarawa State in 2013 and later moved to Ministry for Higher Education. In 2014 he was elected State Chairman, All Progressives Congress, a position he held till his death. He was also chairman, Governing Council. Federal College of Education (Technical) Umunze, Anambra State 2018-2020. In 2003-2004 Philips Shekwo was appointed Chairman, Transition Management Committee, Toto Local Government Council, Nasarawa State. At various times he was president, Plateau State Students Association, Bayero University, Kano. Head of Department S.P.S. Keffi, Secretary, Academic Staff Union SPS Keffi and chairman, staff union, SPS, Keffi, President Gbagyi Cultural Association Toto and Nasarawa Local Government Areas.
As Shekwo’s remains is laid to rest in his country home of Yelwa today, the best respect that can be paid to him by his admirers and Sundry is to imbibe his simple life style of humanity and sincerely.
APC State Chairman, as you were fondly called, it is well with your soul in the land that you will never grow old. God reward you for your service to humanity.
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News10 months ago
Gov. Bello To Return All Local Government Administrators As Elected Chairmen
News12 months ago
Breaking: About 9 Gunmen Invaded Toto Town, Kidnappes Housewife, Husband Whereabout Unknown
News11 months ago
Unknown Gunmen Attack Kogi Communities, Kill APC Chairman, Chief Imam and 20 Others, Injured Policemen
News5 months ago
Gov. Bello Appoints New Personal Assistant, Sacks Security Aides